Thursday, December 27, 2007

The Responsibility of Interested States to Fund and Monitor the ECCC

The Responsibility of Interested States to Fund and Monitor the ECCC

Anne Heidel
Documentation Center of Cambodia

The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (“ECCC”) is currently undertaking a funding drive to secure around 45 million US dollars to meet unanticipated costs and to provide for the Court’s operation through 2010. States such as the United States are considering whether or not to contribute funding for the first time. Some say that any new donations should be conditioned on the meeting of benchmarks demonstrating improvement in Court management. This raises the question of what role current Court backers should play in making the ECCC more accountable and convincing new states to provide funding.

State sponsors of U.N. resolutions, such as the one approving the Framework Agreement for the ECCC, seem to have no formal duties and only one implied task: to help the resolution get passed. After a tribunal is created, they have no clear obligations to provide funding or to encourage other states to fund. According to former US Ambassador-at-Large for War Crime David Scheffer, sponsorship only indicates “a willingness to be approached to press others to fund.” Others, however, say that states may have a “moral” obligation to ensure that an institution they helped create is able to function properly.

In practice state sponsors of tribunals often do provide funding and make at least hortatory efforts to encourage other states to do the same. For example, in General Assembly discussions on the ECCC Framework Agreement, the representative of Japan, the largest ECCC donor, stated “that the international community had a great stake in ensuring the success of the Extraordinary Chambers” and that, “[a]s a sponsor of the draft resolution, his delegation hoped that Member States … would provide financial and other support for implementation of the draft agreement.”[1]

One commentator has described the haphazard efforts to secure voluntary funding for tribunals in these terms: “the country making the request [to establish the tribunal] picks up part the bill and whichever other states have an interest make the balance.”[2] This is why state sponsors often form a “Group of Interested States” (“GIS”) to coordinate support after a new tribunal is established. For example, an informal GIS was formed as part of discussions on the implementation of the Security Council resolution on the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL). Important state contributors and “activist” countries among the GIS, together with a representative of the U.N. Secretary General, then formed a Management Committee. The Management Committee leads SCSL efforts to seek additional funding. Additionally, it oversees the court’s non-judicial operations, reviews and adopts its budget, provides policy advice, and acts as a facilitator between the court and the larger GIS.[3] One commentator has called this Committee “an advocacy base within the U.N. system.”[4]

The ECCC also has a GIS, which met for the first time in 2004. Additionally, state donors, with France and Japan acting as co-chairs, meet regularly in Phnom Penh as “Friends of the ECCC” for updates on the Court’s progress. However, unlike the SCSL Management Committee, this group does not actively assist the ECCC’s efforts to find new donors or provide budget advice or oversight. With many states questioning why they would want to get involved with a court plagued by accusations of corruption and mismanagement, it may be time for the Friends to assume this “moral” responsibility and assure potential donors that the ECCC is a worthwhile investment.

Protest march urges quick trial of Khmer Rouge leaders in Cambodia

Protest march urges quick trial of Khmer Rouge leaders in Cambodia


The Associated Press

Tuesday, December 25, 2007

PHNOM PENH, Cambodia: Some 600 hundred protesters, including Buddhist nuns and Cambodian Muslims, marched in the capital Tuesday to urge a speedier trial for former leaders of the murderous Khmer Rouge.

A long-delayed, United Nations-backed tribunal is seeking accountability for atrocities during the Khmer Rouge's 1975-79 rule, under which an estimated 1.7 million people died from starvation, disease, overwork and execution.

The marchers, with students and Buddhist monks also among them, walked some five kilometers (3 miles) to the tribunal's office on Phnom Penh 's outskirts.

"If the process of the trial continues to be too slow, then the aging former Khmer Rouge leaders will be die before facing trial," said Yin Kean, a 72-year-old nun. "I wish to see these leaders taken to court soon so that they will reveal who is responsible for the deaths of Cambodians under their regime."

The genocide trials are scheduled to begin next year. Five high-ranking former leaders are in detention after being charged with crimes against humanity and other charges.

Tribunal spokesman Reach Sambath welcomed the marchers.

"Their presence here is a very significant step, showing that this court has received support from the entire Cambodian population," he said.

Cambodian Tribunal Needs More Money

Judges with the U.N.-backed genocide tribunal look on during
proceedings, Monday, Dec. 3, 2007, in Phnom Penh, Cambodia
. With five
former Khmer Rouge leaders in custody awaiting trial, three decades
after their murderous communist regime tumbled from power, Cambodia's
U.N.-backed genocide tribunal can credibly boast that it is on the
road to justice. The tribunal is appealing for more money on top of
its originally budgeted US$56.3 million (euro38 million), saying a
heavy workload means that its operation, originally meant to end in
2009, has to be extended through 2010. (AP Photo/Heng Sinith)


Cambodian Tribunal Needs More Money
By KER MUNTHIT

PHNOM PENH, Cambodia (AP) -- With five former leaders of the Khmer
Rouge
finally in custody awaiting trial -- three decades after their
murderous regime tumbled from power -- Cambodia's U.N.-backed genocide
tribunal can credibly say it is on the road to justice.

But its future hinges on the generosity of foreign aid donors who,
responding to reports of alleged corruption and mismanagement by
tribunal officials, are demanding greater accountability before
agreeing to give more money.

The process took a big step forward last month when Kaing Guek Eav,
the head of a notorious torture center, became the first major Khmer
Rouge
figure to appear as a defendant in a public courtroom, appealing
unsuccessfully for release on bail.

He and four other suspects -- Nuon Chea, Ieng Sary, Ieng Thirith and
Khieu Samphan -- are being held in the tribunal's custom-built jail,
awaiting trial on charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity.

But the tribunal says more work is needed to get to full-fledged
trials to establish responsibility for the deaths of some 1.7 million
Cambodians under the communist Khmer Rouge in the late 1970s.

The tribunal is appealing for an unspecified additional sum on top of
its budgeted $56.3 million, saying a heavy workload means that its
operation, originally supposed to end in 2009, has to be extended
through 2010.

Peter Foster, a U.N.-appointed spokesman for the tribunal, said the
present funds may run out in about six months due to unanticipated
costs.

"We're not talking about buying fleets of Mercedes and helicopters;
we're talking about essential elements of an international court," he
said.

For instance, said Helen Jarvis, the tribunal's Australian public
affairs chief, the court needs to increase the number of translators
to 40 from the current 14, and to create victim support and court
transcription services.

Donors raised concerns after two U.N. reports this year painted a
troubling picture of the tribunal's administration.

One of them, sidestepping allegations of corruption, accused the
Cambodian side of serious mismanagement.

The other found problems in sharing responsibilities between Cambodian
and foreign personnel, operating under Cambodian law.

To win more funding, the tribunal must show it can function
"efficiently and devoid of corruption," David Scheffer, a former U.S.
war crimes ambassador and a professor at the Northwestern University
School of Law in Chicago, said in an e-mail.

"The worst-case scenario is that the international staff and
administration would have to pull out and the trials would proceed in
a strictly Cambodian-staffed court," he said.

Joseph Mussomeli, the U.S. ambassador to Cambodia, said the United
States
, which did not contribute to the original budget, is
considering whether to pitch in. Washington harbors widely shared
doubts about the competence and impartiality of Cambodia's courts.

"It would simply be irresponsible to suggest using American taxpayer
money until we're sure that the administrative process is also fixed,"
he said.

The corruption issue arose this year when a New York-based legal
group, Open Society Justice Initiative, alleged that Cambodians had to
pay kickbacks to government officials for tribunal jobs.

In a country where corruption is a way of life and most civil servants
earn only about $25 a month, the tribunal jobs are lucrative. Even at
half of the gross salaries earned by their U.N.-appointed
counterparts, Cambodian staffers with professional duties get $2,300
to $5,280 a month ? paid from donors' contributions.

Jarvis rejected the corruption allegations as "more of a rumor," and a
June audit by the U.N. Development Program produced no evidence of
kickbacks, though it said many Cambodian staffers had been hired
without meeting even minimum job qualifications.

Another U.N. report, also from June, charged that the dual structure
of Cambodian and U.N. administrators "serves only to constantly
hinder, frequently confuse and certainly frustrate efforts" to render
justice.

It said the relationship between officials on both sides has "somewhat
evolved into a 'we versus they camp.'"

Because the Cambodian and international staffs maintain separate
budgets, the paperwork doubles.

"When you're working on something as important as this, you don't want
to be spending your time worrying who's supposed to sign your phone
bill," spokesman Foster said.

The tribunal will approach donors with a "pretty complete package" of
progress and actions taken to fix the problems, he said. With five
suspects behind bars awaiting trial, he can't imagine the tribunal
folding for lack of funds.

"It's too late at this point, no matter what happens, to stop," he said.

Copyright © 2007 The Associated Press

Wednesday, December 26, 2007

Marchers demand speedier trials for Khmer Rouge tribunal

Marchers demand speedier trials for Khmer Rouge tribunal

AFP

25 December

More than 600 Buddhist monks and nuns, as well as Muslim leaders, marched to Cambodia's UN-backed genocide tribunal Tuesday to demand speedier trials of Khmer Rouge cadre.

The group marched silently to the courthouse, with the clergy in white robes, carrying banners that read "reconciliation" and "the tribunal is a remedy for the cycle of vengeance."

"We are marching because we want peace and justice to be rendered in the Khmer Rouge cases," Buddhist nun Chou Salean told AFP.

"We want the court to speed up the prosecutions because we have been waiting for nearly 30 years," said the 60-year-old woman, who said she lost seven relatives under the genocidal Khmer Rouge regime in the 1970s.

Many of the nuns said they had hoped to see the five suspects who have been arrested by the tribunal.

"The marchers support the court. The court will try its best to respond to the demands of the victims under the regime," said tribunal spokesman Reach Sambath, who greeted the march.

Up to two million people died of starvation and overwork, or were executed under the Khmer Rouge.

The Khmer Rouge emptied Cambodia's cities, exiling millions to vast collective farms in a bid to forge an agrarian utopia during its rule.

Established in July 2006 after nearly a decade of negotiations between Cambodia and the United Nations, the joint Cambodian-UN tribunal seeks to prosecute crimes committed by senior Khmer Rouge leaders.

Five top Khmer Rouge leaders have been detained to face charges for crimes committed by the regime's brutal 19975-79 rule. Trials are expected to begin in mid-2008.

All the defendants claim to be suffering from serious health ailments, causing concern among those hoping to find justice for Cambodia's genocide victims before the alleged perpetrators die.

Monday, December 24, 2007

Cambodia: Ensure Safety of Buddhist Monks

For Immediate Release
Cambodia: Ensure Safety of Buddhist Monks
Prosecute Police Involved in ‘Burma-Style’ Crackdown
(New York, December 21, 2007) – The Cambodian government should ensure the safety of Buddhist monks whom police attacked during a peaceful protest, Human Rights Watch said today.
On December 17, riot police violently assaulted with wooden and electric shock batons a group of 47 Khmer Krom Buddhist monks – indigenous ethnic Khmer from southern Vietnam – when they attempted to deliver a petition protesting the imprisonment of monks in Vietnam to the Vietnamese Embassy in Phnom Penh. Phnom Penh Police Commissioner Touch Naroth announced that authorities are investigating all of the monks who protested in order to find the “fake monks who instigated the violence.”
“These Khmer Krom monks have suffered police abuse in Cambodia and face imprisonment and torture if they’re sent to Vietnam,” said Sophie Richardson , Asia advocacy director at Human Rights Watch . “The Cambodian government shouldn’t emulate Burma’s generals by brutally cracking down on monks who peacefully protest. They are Cambodian citizens who deserve protection, not more mistreatment, from the Cambodian government.”
Human Rights Watch is concerned that Cambodian authorities will now arrest, defrock, and forcibly send the monks who protested to Vietnam, where they could face severe reprisals. Vietnam has a policy of imprisoning peaceful critics of the government, including Catholic priests, Buddhist monks, human rights lawyers, and trade union activists (http://hrw.org/doc?t=asia&c=vietna).
The Cambodian government has “returned” Khmer Krom to Vietnam, even though international law prohibits the expulsion without due process of persons from a country where they legally reside.
For example, in June 2007, Khmer Krom monk Tim Sakhorn, a longtime abbot in Cambodia, was defrocked by Cambodian authorities and sent to Vietnam, where he was sentenced to prison on charges of violating Vietnam’s national unity policy because he had allegedly distributed bulletins about Khmer Krom history and politics and sheltered monks fleeing from Vietnam.
In February 2007, Vietnamese authorities arrested, defrocked, and imprisoned Khmer Krom monks in Soc Trang province, Vietnam, for peacefully protesting in support of religious freedom. Five monks were sentenced to prison in Vietnam on charges of disrupting social order. Afterwards, dozens of Khmer Krom monks fled from Vietnam to Cambodia, where they conducted protests in February and April to call for the release of the five monks.
“There is real concern for the safety of Khmer Krom who protest in either Cambodia or Vietnam,” said Richardson.
After Khmer Krom monks protested outside the Vietnamese Embassy in Phnom Penh on February 27, 2007, one of the monk protesters was found dead in his pagoda, with his throat repeatedly slit. Police labeled the killing a suicide, ordered his immediate burial, and prohibited monks from conducting funeral proceedings.
While some of the defrocked monks who fled to Cambodia from Vietnam earlier this year were subsequently re-ordained by Cambodian abbots, many have not yet been granted “chaiya,” or official monk identification cards, by the Cambodian Ministry of Cults and Religion. This enables the Cambodian authorities to dispute their legitimacy as monks, using this as grounds to arrest them as “fake monks” and forcibly send them to Vietnam.
The December 17 Protests
Around 8 a.m. on December 17 a group of 47 Khmer Krom monks gathered at the Vietnamese Embassy in Phnom Penh to submit a petition calling for the Vietnamese government to release six Khmer Krom monks from prison, resolve land conflicts arising from post-1978 confiscation of Khmer Krom farmland in Vietnam, and respect the rights of indigenous people.
The written demands of the Khmer Krom monks demonstrating on December 17 did not call for return to Cambodia of the territory known as Kampuchea Krom, which the French turned over to Vietnam in 1949. The monks asked for resolution of land conflicts arising from land grabs by Vietnamese authorities and ethnic Vietnamese citizens of land belonging to Khmer Krom people in Vietnam, particularly since 1978, when the Vietnamese government forcibly relocated Khmer Krom away from their farmland near the Cambodian border in the face of cross-border attacks by the Khmer Rouge.
Several dozen riot police carrying shields, and wooden and electric shock batons – and some with assault rifles and revolvers – cordoned off the area around the Vietnamese Embassy, blocking a long stretch of Monivong Boulevard during the morning rush hour. The police photographed all of the monks as well as United Nations and Cambodian human rights monitors. More riot police soon arrived, until there were more than 60 at the scene.
After negotiations between the police and the monks, five monks were allowed to approach the embassy gate to deliver the petition. At 8:40 a.m., when no one from the embassy came out to receive the petition, the larger group of monks began to press closer to the embassy entrance. The police used their shields to push the monks back, and one monk was hit on the head. Some scuffling ensued.
As the monks made their way through police lines and walked toward the gate of the embassy, the commanding officer, a deputy police chief, shouted an order for the police to shoot the “stubborn-headed monks” if they continued to advance toward the embassy. About 10 police officers moved their AK-47 assault rifles, which had been slung over their shoulders, to their hands and others unsnapped the holsters to their revolvers. The order was not carried out, however, despite the deputy police chief repeating several times: “Shoot! Shoot!” Instead, the riot police regrouped, positioning themselves in front of the monks and blocking them from proceeding. They loaded batteries into their electric batons and began testing them.
The monks sat down on the sidewalk and began to chant Buddhist prayers. Around 9 a.m., eight more anti-riot police arrived, some carrying AK-47 rifles and pistols. They merged into the front lines of the police and aggressively cursed and taunted the monks, some of whom insulted the police back.
Around 9:30 a.m., the monks stood up, saying they were returning to their pagoda, though it was apparent that some intended to try to move toward the embassy again. Eight anti-riot police then used their shields and wooden batons to beat the monks on their heads, arms, groins, and shoulders; shocked them with the electric batons; hit them with their fists; and kicked them with their boots. The monks tried to defend themselves using their hands and their feet – clad only in plastic sandals – and threw their plastic water bottles at the police. Some swung their cloth shoulder-bags at the police.
The monks then turned and fled. The police chased them for four blocks, kicking and beating the monks along the way, as well as one young boy who attempted to retrieve the sandals and bag of a monk who had been knocked down. The police shouted to startled passers-by as they chased the monks through the streets that “these are not real monks that we are beating.”
Six monks were severely injured, including one with a large contusion on his head, one who fell unconscious after being hit with an electric baton, and several who had leg and knee injuries. Some of the police officers suffered minor scratches and bruises.
Human Rights Watch called on the Cambodian government to promptly and impartially investigate the police’s use of force against the monks and prosecute all those responsible for using unnecessary or excessive violence.
The UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials provide that law enforcement officials, in carrying out their duty, shall as far as possible apply nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force. Whenever the use of force is unavoidable, law enforcement officials must use restraint and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offense. The legitimate objective should be achieved with minimal damage and injury.
“The police continued to beat the monks even after they had moved away from the embassy, well after the protest was dispersed,” said Richardson. “They were not chasing the monks to carry out lawful arrests, but to beat them.”
In the past, Khmer Krom monks have been able to freely cross from Vietnam without visas to study Buddhism at Pali Schools in Cambodia. Since the February 2007 crackdown in Vietnam and the demonstrations by Khmer Krom monks in Phnom Penh, however, Cambodian authorities have made it more difficult for monks from Vietnam to obtain permission from Buddhist authorities to stay in pagodas in Cambodia while studying there.
In addition, Cambodian authorities have threatened Khmer Krom monks in Phnom Penh, Banteay Meanchey, and Kompong Speu provinces with expulsion from temples or being forcibly sent or returned to Vietnam if they meet with Khmer Krom groups, distribute Khmer Krom bulletins covering cultural, religious and political affairs, or participate in protests.
In June, the Cambodian Ministry of Cults and Religion issued an order banning Buddhist monks from participating in demonstrations.
“The Cambodian government should uphold its commitment to free assembly and expression enshrined in Cambodia’s constitution and the many human rights treaties it has signed,” said Richardson.
For more information, please contact:
In Washington, DC, Sophie Richardson (English, Mandarin): +1-917-721-7473 (mobile)
In New York, Elaine Pearson (English): +1-646-291-7169 (mobile)

Peace and Justice March

Peace and Justice March

December 25th
A Project of DC-Cam's Student Outreach and
the Association of Nuns and Laywomen of Cambodia

The majority of survivors of the Cambodian genocide are women. Many of
these women lost their husbands and children during the genocide that
lasted from 1975-1979. Since the fall of the Khmer Rouge regime, these
women have been the driving force behind the rebuilding of Cambodia,
socially, economically, and spiritually.

The Documentation Center of Cambodia in cooperation with the
Association of Nuns and Laywomen of Cambodia will hold a march to
promote peace and national reconciliation on Tuesday, December 25,
2007 in Phnom Penh. The project is funded by the Danish government
with core support of DC-Cam from the Swedish government and USAID. The
City municipality and the Ministry of Interior of the Royal Government
of Cambodia support the event.

The event will begin at 6:30 a.m. with a rally at Wat Phnom. At 8 a.m.
the group will travel to Dang Naingkoal, near the entrance of the
Phnom Penh Airport, where participants will set out on a march to the
ECCC (Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia).

The Association of Nuns and Laywomen of Cambodia will be represented
by 500 nuns from 14 provinces. Also attending will be monks, Cham
Muslim religious leaders (toun, mei toun and hakem) and hundreds of
local higth school students. They will march under the banners: ?The
ECCC is a Remedy for the Cycle of Vengeance,? and ?We Work Together
for Peace and Reconciliation.?

The objective of the march is to give members of the religious
community and students an opportunity to participate in the Khmer
Rouge
Tribunal and raise public awareness on the upcoming trials of
senior Khmer Rouge officials. The march aims at promoting peace and
national reconciliation, reducing violence, and strengthening the
solidarity of the Cambodian people during the long and difficult
process of achieving genocide justice.

The Peace and Justice March also symbolizes the hopeful future that
Cambodia will embark upon in the new year. As 2008 approaches, DC-Cam
would like to take this opportunity to thank all the individuals,
governments and organizations in Cambodia and around the world that
have supported us throughout the years. It is through their
generosity, knowledge, and encouragement that the work of DC-Cam has
been able to succeed. We hope that this collaboration will continue
into 2008 so that the goals of peace, justice, and reconciliation will
become a reality in Cambodia.

If you are interested in receiving more information or participating
in the march, please contact Sayana Ser at:

Email:
sayana_ser@yahoo.com
Phone: 023-211-875

WORLD-WIDE ASIAN-EURASIAN HUMAN RIGHTS FORUM

World People's Blog
WORLD-WIDE ASIAN-EURASIAN HUMAN RIGHTS FORUM
Chea Vannath - Cambodia
Written on December 19th, 2007 in World People one

She is one of the 1000 women proposed for the Nobel Peace Price 2005.

Chea Vannath (born 1948) is President of the Center for Social Development CSD, which promotes school curricula on transparency, monitors the courts and parliament and organizes public debates on the Khmer Rouge tribunal, corruption and other issues. After the Khmer Rouge seized power in 1975, Chea was forced to work in labor camps before escaping to Thailand and on to the US. After living as a refugee in America for more than ten years, she returned to Cambodia in 1992 to participate in rebuilding her country.

She says: "Not anymore will I allow only one party to lead my country".

She says also: ""He (my father) was committed, had tremendous energy and effort, and possessed a progressive vision. He did not blame others. When he talked, he made me think. Once he was asked by other villagers while we were forced to work in the field by the Khmer Rouge, how it feels to not be rich anymore, and he replied that he still felt very fortunate. He did not pay attention to money but to human beings".

...

Chea Vannath - Cambodia

She works for the Center for Social Development CSD.

A daughter of a jeweler, Vannath grew up in a secure and elegant environment. As a girl, she went to school in a chauffer-driven car. Vannath speaks three languages fluently: Khmer, English and French. After getting her diploma in public financial management, she worked as a fiscal officer in the treasury department. She married a physician, a major in the Cambodian army. They have one son.

Then came the Khmer Rouge in April 1975. Vannath's life would never be the same again.

From "year zero", as the Khmer Rouge regime called their reign of terror, Vannath along with her parents and her husband and son were forced to leave home and made to work the fields in several provinces along with millions other Cambodians. In three years and eight months, together with many other people, she moved to different places, wherever the Khmer Rouge needed forced labor. She got up at four in the morning to pick tobacco, and saw men being taken away never to be seen again.

Vannath witnessed, for the first time, death, torture, and misery. In short, human suffering. From these experiences, she learned to understand life and suffering, life as ever changing and not permanent.

Under the regime's reign of terror, two million Cambodians were reported killed. In 1980, facing the threat to her family, Vannath, her husband, and their son escaped to Thailand. They stayed in a refugee camp in Chon Buri province for three months then left for the Philippines for another six months. After finding a sponsor in America in 1981, Vannath's family set off for San Francisco, then settled in Oregon.

Buddhism has helped her through difficult times. Many Cambodians traumatized by the war react differently. Some of them lost their identities. Vannath clung to Buddhism and kept her balance.

"Some Buddhist Cambodians said they were Christian in order to get assistance while in America. But I don't want to say that just to get assistance," says Vannath, recalling her experience as a refugee in America from 1981 to 1990.

Vannath was introduced to Buddhism since when she was young. As a child living with her parents in Pursat province, Vannath developed a strong and loving relationship with her grandmother, Touch Ky. So when her parents moved to Phnom Penh in the 1950s, she did not want to
leave her grandmother."My first thought was always with my grandma. I remember very well helping her carry the betel nuts basket to the pagodas (temple) and several Buddhist religious ceremonies. I always observed these ceremonies." Vannath learned to pray twice a day.

Before the Khmer Rouge, she avoided political activity. But the regime changed her from a gentle woman unconcerned about the state or the administration, to an activist. "It changed me," she says, with no hint of resentment. It led her to ask the question: "Why did the Khmer Rouge happen?" The answer, she says, is that she was not an active member of society. She decided to change herself, to be engaged in political affairs. Not anymore will I allow one party to lead my country," she said.

She got involved, first, as coordinator for all organizations assisting refugees in America. She worked as a board member of the Cambodian Network Council to preserve the homeland's traditions and culture. From 1981 to 1990, she became program monitor for the International Refugee Center of Oregon and the Southeast Asian Refugee Federation in Oregon, and later the program coordinator for the Early Employment Project of the Metropolitan Community Action in Portland.

Later, she became program specialist for the Oregon State Refugee Program, Department of Human Resources. She also continued her studies and obtained a master's degree in Public Administration (with awards for achievement) from the Portland State University in Oregon in 1991.
In 1992, she was back in Cambodia working as a translator for the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) to prepare for the UN-sponsored general election in 1993. Later, she worked for The Asia Foundation ? Cambodia, funded by the US Agency for International Development, as head of the Financial Review and Compliance Unit. In 1996, she was vice president of the Center for Social Development (CSD) before becoming its president in 1998.

Established in 1995, the CSD is a nationwide institution focusing mainly on the elimination of corruption, development of accountability and the implementation of transparency especially in the publicsector, as well as the promotion of human rights, good governance and democracy. These issues are pertinent to Cambodia (a country where the average monthly income of civil servants ranges from US$20-40 and where some 36 per cent of the population live below the poverty line), where the availability of funds and international aid are fertile ground for abuse. In addition, a research study conducted by CSD in 1998 on the Cambodians' attitude towards corruption showed that a majority of the people accept corruption as part of the normal way of life in Cambodia. To counter this, the CSD decided to launch a project called Transparency Task Force, which aims for attitudinal and behavioral changes towards corruption among primary and secondary level students.

In 2002, the Coalition for Transparency-Cambodia composed of monks, students, teachers, civil servants, non-governmental organizations, parliamentarians and members of the private sector was formed, with the CSD acting as its secretariat and its major sustaining force. The CSD was also the main moving force in the drafting of the anti-corruption law awaiting the adoption by the Parliament.

Since 1996, the CSD has organized public forums to tackle sensitive and explosive issues, thus, Vannath says, enabling the Center to act as a neutral and unbiased venue for people of varied backgrounds to debate within the framework of legal and democratic processes. The debates are broadcast through radio and television.

The most controversial debate was on the Khmer Rouge tribunal. At that time, details of the law establishing a Khmer Rouge tribunal were negotiated in utmost secrecy between the representatives of the Royal Government and the United Nations. The CSD felt the need to organize these debates so that the people's voices would be heard. The debates were opened to the public, which included the victims of the Khmer Rouge as well as its former members.

Vannath traveled to the former Khmer Rouge leaders' stronghold in Pailin and Phnom Malai districts of Banteay Meanchey province to invite them to participate in the forum that her Center organized in three provinces. The presence of Khmer Rouge members was controversial but Vannath believed the Khmer Rouge should have a chance to express their opinions about the tribunal. She says that from these forums, she found out that the tribunal itself is not the issue. The real issue is national reconciliation and peace. Therefore, the trial had to be looked at from the broader, more comprehensive framework of justice, national reconciliation and total healing towards the attainment of genuine peace.

Peace, Vannath says, is everything, so her work also has to deal with several issues: health, religion, gender. Once she worked to preserve the historical and cultural heritage of Cambodia, the National Olympic Stadium complex. The great obstacles to peace, however, are poverty and lack of education. Her Center signed a memorandum of understanding with the Ministry of Education to train 6,000 teachers and to integrate the concepts of transparency and accountability into the
curriculum.

Other activities of the CSD are Parliamentary Watch that monitors and acts as a watchdog of the performance of the members of the Parliament, and Court Watch that monitors and records the compliance of courts with the procedures for fair trial and due process. The CSD also publishes a monthly bulletin that exposes the performance of key players in the socio-economic and political spheres of Cambodian society.The CSD is in the line of fire for its activities and positions on various issues. Consistently, it takes the dangerous position of working for the benefit of the poor, marginalized and oppressed majority.

Vannath said she can stand up to anybody since what she is trying to do go beyond her own interests. "I do it not for myself. I do not have any expectations from what I am doing." "She is truly brave, even much more than many Cambodian men," says Mam Sonando, president of the Phnom Penh-based Radio Beehive. "She leads her life with transparency and honesty. She practices Buddhism in her work, activities and daily living. She contributes tremendously to the development of Cambodia
and attainment of lasting peace in our divided nation." Vannath was in the government's black list for many years.

Vannath says she finds her strength in the footsteps of her late father.

Vannath's comments are always sought after by the media. She is a daily commentator on the different issues in the country. She openly takes up issues specially those dealing with corruption. According to her friend, Helen Ross, an architect, Vannath seems "to have become the oracle that all journalists seek out for an answer to Cambodia's complex political, social and economic situation."

Vannath has been invited to Sweden and other countries to talk about the peace process she is advocating for Cambodia. The case study she wrote entitled "Reconciliation in Cambodia: Politics, Culture and Religion" has been used in the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance's handbook on reconciliation. Vannath sits among policy makers on peace and national reconciliation, locally and abroad.

In 2004, Vannath was selected as one of the eight outstanding women in Cambodia by the Angkor Thom magazine for her courage, achievements and pioneering efforts in the field of transparency, accountability, human rights, democracy and peace. (1000peacewomen).

Camp Catatonia.

Khmer Rouge and national reconciliation, opinions from the Cambodians.

Vannath Chea on IDEA.

Second Regional Conference on Poverty Reduction Strategies.

Peace Agreements as a Means for Promoting Gender Equality and Ensuring, Participation of Women.

And she says: "It's beyond a dream," said Chea Vannath, a leading human rights campaigner here. "I used to live under the Khmer Rouge regime, and I could never dream that those leaders would ever be brought to trial", (full text: Khmer Rouge Hearing Ends, Nov. 21, 2007).

la testimonianza di una sopravvissuta.

links:

Das Rote-Khmer-Tribunal;

Her articles on the Washingtonpost;

Securing Allegiance;

Good Governance and Behavioral Change Workshop;

Her articles on zoomInfo;

Cambodian Information Center.

Center for Social Development CSD.

Cambodian PM says ex-Khmer Rouge officials have comforts in detention

Cambodian PM says ex-Khmer Rouge officials have comforts in detention
Thursday, December 20, 2007

PHNOM PENH, Cambodia: A U.N.-backed tribunal is holding former Khmer Rouge head of state Khieu Samphan in a comfortable room that bears no resemblance to the notorious torture cells his regime operated, Cambodia's prime minister said Thursday.

Khieu Samphan, 76, has been detained at the tribunal in the capital Phnom Penh since his arrest Nov. 19. The genocide trials are scheduled to begin next year, and Khieu Samphan is one of five high-ranking former Khmer Rouge members detained.

"He was offered a place with good conditions but he still complains about the difficulties of staying there," Prime Minister Hun Sen said, noting the facility was nothing like the murderous Khmer Rouge's infamous torture center, Tuol Sleng.

"He ordered people jailed at Tuol Sleng for interrogation and torture, but he never discusses the difficulties of those people," Hun Sen said.

Khieu Samphan's lawyer had complained the room was too small, according to tribunal spokesman Reach Sambath.

Detention cells at the tribunal have fans, beds with mattresses, radio, television, a window and a private toilet, he said.

The long-delayed tribunal is seeking accountability for atrocities during the Khmer Rouge's 1975-79 rule, under which an estimated 1.7 million people died from starvation, disease, overwork and execution.

Khieu Samphan was arrested at a Phnom Penh hospital after undergoing treatment for a stroke. He has been charged with crimes against humanity and war crimes.

He also faces charges related to his support of the Khmer Rouge policy of committing "murder, extermination, imprisonment, persecution on political grounds and other inhumane acts."

Four other surviving Khmer Rouge officials are in custody at the tribunal, including Kaing Guek Eav — alias Duch — who ran Tuol Sleng, Ieng Sary, the Khmer Rouge's ex-foreign minister, and his wife Ieng Thirith, its social affairs minister. All three were charged with crimes against humanity; Ieng Sary was also charged with war crimes.

Former Khmer Rouge ideologist Nuon Chea is also awaiting trial for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

PRESS RELEASE

PRESS RELEASE

17 December 2007

Ieng Sary has selected a foreign Co-Lawyer to work with his Cambodian Co-Lawyer, Mr Ang Udom, to represent him before the ECCC. He has chosen Mr Michael Karnavas of the Alaska Bar, and President of the Association of Defence Counsel of the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ADC-ICTY).

Mr Karnavas has practiced as a defence lawyer since 1986. He has also taught trial advocacy skills for the past 18 years and lectured widely on international criminal law around the world. In 1995 and 1996 he worked in Cambodia with the Cambodian Defender Project (CDP) and the Cambodian Court Training Project. For the past 7 years he has been defending clients before the Yugoslavia tribunal, firstly as lead counsel for Colonel Vidoje Blagojević, charged with complicity to commit genocide at Srebrenica and then as lead counsel for Dr Jadranko Prlić, charged with large scale ethnic cleansing in Bosnia Herzegovina.

From 2006 he has been the President of the Association of Defence Counsel of the ICTY.

Mr Karnavas’ application for registration with the Bar Association of the Kingdom of Cambodia is currently being considered by the Bar Council, and so he will act as Legal Consultant in the case until the process is concluded.

Summary of the Pre-Trial Chamber Hearing and Decision on the Appeal of Duch

Documentation Center of Cambodia

Phnom Penh, Cambodia

­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­Summary of the Pre-Trial Chamber Hearing and Decision on the Appeal of Duch Against the Co-Investigating Judges’ Provisional Detention Order of August 31st, 2007

Sarah Thomas

  1. Background Information

On July 31st, 2007, the Co-Investigating Judges charged Kaing Guek Eav (“Duch”) with crimes against humanity (Article 5, ECCC Law). They indicated that he is implicated by several documents and many witnesses. On October 2nd, 2007, they charged him with grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 (war crimes) (Article 6, ECCC Law). On the issue of provisional detention, his defense team submitted that he should be released prior to trial because inter alia he had been detained by the Military Court of Phnom Penh for 8 years, 2 months and 20 days prior to his transfer to the ECCC detention facility. The Co-Investigating Judges concluded, however, that they did not have the power to determine the legality of Duch’s prior detention in the custody of the Military Court of Phnom Penh. As such, the Judges ruled only on the current need for provisional detention. The Judges ordered that Duch be placed in provisional detention and transferred from the custody of the Military Court of Phnom Penh to the ECCC detention facility. The Judges held Duch’s provisional detention to be necessary because:

  1. The public order in Cambodia may be disrupted if he is released;
  2. He may choose to flee following his release;
  3. His personal security may be placed in jeopardy.

On August 23rd, 2007, Duch’s defense team lodged an appeal against the Co-Investigating Judges’ order that he be placed in provisional detention. His defense team argued that he should not be detained due to his prior detention by the Military Court for over 8 years. The Defense requested that the Court release Duch from detention and impose a bail order. On September 4th, the Pre-Trial Chamber invited submissions by amicus curiae. On October 4th, Anne Heindel submitted an amicus curiae brief arguing that the Chamber has the jurisdiction and a duty to review the legality of Duch’s detention by the Military Court . On November 6th, the Pre-Chamber notified the public that Pre-Trial Chamber Judge Ney Thol had recused himself from the case and that he would be replaced by Reserve Judge Pen Pichsaly. Although the Chamber did not give a reason for the recusal, Ney Thol likely recused himself because he was formerly a judge of the Military Court of Phnom Penh. On November 20th-21st, the Pre-Chamber held its first public hearing on this appeal.

  1. Observations

    1. Day 1 of Hearing: November 20th

Summary of the Pre-Trial Report of Examination

The hearing began with the Pre-Trial Chamber detailing the charges against Duch, namely violations of Article 5 (crimes against humanity) and Article 6 (grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions). The Chamber provided a timeline of the relevant events, summarized here:

  • May 10th, 1999: The authorities arrested Duch and brought him before the Military Court , where the Investigating Judge charged him with crimes against national security.
  • September 6th, 1999: The Co-Investigating Judge of the Military Court charged Duch with the crime of genocide pursuant to Decree Law No. 1.

Subsequently, throughout his period of detention, the Co- Investigating Judge charged Duch with a variety of other crimes to enable his continued detention.

  • February 22nd, 2002: The Co-Investigating Judge charged Duch with crimes against humanity pursuant to the ECCC Law.
  • February 28th, 2005: The Co-Investigating Judge charged Duch with war crimes and crimes against internationally protected persons pursuant to the ECCC Law.
  • July 31st, 2007: Following a request by the Co-Prosecutors, the ECCC Co- Investigating Judges charged Duch with crimes against humanity and ordered his provisional detention and transfer to the ECCC detention facility.

The Chamber then presented the findings in its Report of Examination. The Pre-Trial Chamber recognized the Co-Investigating Judges’ finding that the Military Court ’s continued detention of Duch was “problematic.” The Chamber described the conclusion of the Report of Examination as being that the Co-Investigating Judges found that: (1) they lacked jurisdiction to determine the legality of the Military Court’s detention; and (2) the abuse of process doctrine, requiring proceedings to be stayed where the rights of the accused have been seriously affected, did not apply as Duch did not suffer incidents of torture or serious mistreatment prior to his transfer. Furthermore, the Chamber indicated that “[a]n eventual remedy for the prejudice caused by the prior detention is not an issue during the investigative phase of the case.”

The Chamber reported the Co-Investigating Judges had ordered Duch’s provisional detention because they found that his release may disrupt public order, allow him to flee, or jeopardize his personal safety.

Grounds for Defense Appeal

The Defense presented its grounds for appeal as follows:

  • The lengthy detention of the Military Court constituted a violation of both Cambodian and international human rights law;
  • The Pre-Trial Chamber does have jurisdiction to determine the legality of Duch’s prior detention because: (a) the Extraordinary Chambers is a court within the Cambodian judicial system; (b) the Co-Investigating Judges’ order of transfer from the Military Court to the ECCC constituted a validation of prior detention; and (c) the ECCC worked in concert with the Military Court because the latter’s documents feature in the ECCC Case File;
  • In the alternative, although the Pre-Trial Chamber does not have jurisdiction to determine the legality of Duch’s prior detention, it has a duty to take this detention into consideration in ordering provisional detention;
  • This violation of Duch’s rights requires: (a) his immediate release on bail; and/or (b) in the event of an acquittal, the payment of financial compensation for time spent in detention and for the harm suffered due to the violation of his entitlement to a trial within a reasonable time or release or, in the event a conviction, a sentence reduction of 8 years for time spent in detention and a further sentence reduction for the harm suffered due to the violation of his entitlement to a trial within a reasonable time or release.
  • At present, provisional detention of Duch proves unnecessary as:

(a) He will not pressure witnesses because the ECCC has already interviewed them and he does not have the power or financial means to do so;

(b) He will not seek to destroy evidence because he did not attempt to destroy the evidence at Tuol Sleng during his chairmanship and any present-day attempt would prove futile as evidence is held by both DC-Cam and the ECCC;

(c) He will not seek to flee because he does not have a passport, neither he nor his family has the necessary financial means, he has always cooperated with the quest for justice, and he did not flee when he knew that he would be arrested;

(d) He will not be at risk because he lived free from 1979 to 1999 and did not receive threats or suffer injury;

(e) He will not jeopardize the public order because he lived free from 1979 to 1999 and did not disrupt public order.

In support of the Defense’s position, François Roux invoked international precedent established in the ICTR Case of Prosecutor v. Barayagwiza. He argued that this case stood for the proposition that, in the event of a violation of a defendant’s rights by another entity, the court trying the defendant must apply its own rules on violation of rights, including on provision of compensation.

The Defense urged the Pre-Trial Chamber to recognize the violation of Duch’s rights, to release him, and, in the event of an acquittal, to order payment of compensation or, in the event of a conviction, to order a sentence reduction of 8 years. Notably, François Roux emphasized that he was not requesting an end of the proceedings against Duch. Roux urged the Chamber to consider release and imposition of a bail order, a recently-adopted mechanism provided for in the Code of Criminal Procedure adopted in August 2007. He suggested that the ECCC would prove a model example for Cambodian courts.

François Roux sought to rebut the Co-Prosecutors’ claim in an earlier Response that the release of persons accused of serious crimes is uncommon. In support of this, he highlighted that the ICTR had released one accused person and the ICTY had released thirteen accused persons prior to trial. He argued that release prior to trial would be appropriate in Cambodia because the ECCC could rely on the assistance of the Cambodian police.

In addition, the Defense invoked the amicus curiae briefs in support of its position, arguing that “three and a half” were in their favor. Although Kar Savuth incorrectly characterized Anne Heindel’s brief as supporting the Defense’s position that Duch should be released, François Roux later clarified that her brief supported only the position that the Chamber should review the legality of the Military Court ’s detention.

Questions by Pre-Trial Chamber Judges

  • A judge asked the defense whether Duch had exhausted his remedies in the Military Court by appealing his provisional detention. Kar Savuth confirmed that Duch had not appealed the Provisional Detention Order of the Investigating Judge of the Military Court . He presented a weak argument excusing this, namely, that the Investigating Judge based these charges on the ECCC Law and, therefore, he could not appeal because the ECCC had not been established. Subsequently, François Roux presented a stronger argument explaining Duch’s failure to appeal, namely, that such an appeal would have proved futile due to his importance to the Cambodian government as a “bargaining chip” for the international community. Roux argued that the Co-Prosecutors must show that such an appeal would have been successful.
  • Rowan Downing asked the Defense whether they alleged that Duch suffered torture or serious mistreatment in the Military Court . Kar Savuth responded that Duch was tortured and beaten up.

Note: I experienced difficulties in hearing Downing’s question and Kar Savuth’s response.

  • Rowan Downing asked the Defense why Duch failed to appeal the provisional detention and charges against him before the Military Court . Kar Savuth answered poorly, stating that he did not know where to file. Downing asked why Duch failed to file an appeal pursuant to Article 39 of the 1993 Cambodian Constitution, which provides Khmer citizens with “the right to denounce, make complaints or file claims against any breach of the law by the State…” Kar Savuth responded poorly again, emphasizing the importance of filing appeals properly and stating that Duch did not know where to file. Kar Savuth later indicated that some form of appeal was made to the Military Court on March 5th, 2007.
  • In response to Kar Savuth’s statement that Duch’s personal safety will not be jeopardized because he lived freely from 1979 to 1999 without receiving threats or suffering injury, Rowan Downing asked whether the reason for Duch’s continued safety throughout that period was his adoption of a new identity (i.e. Hang Pin).

Prosecution Rebuttal

The Co-Prosecutors rebutted by addressing the grounds for appeal raised by the Defense. In particular, they emphasized that:

  • As a “special, internationalized court,” the ECCC is a judicial entity separate from other Cambodian courts;
  • The Co-Investigating Judges’ Order was not a validation of Duch’s prior detention by the Military Tribunal;
  • The ECCC has never worked in concert with the Military Court and, in particular, the ECCC did not ask the Military Court to arrest Duch;
  • Even though the Military Court charged Duch pursuant to the ECCC Law in 2002 and 2005, there is no continuity between the proceedings of the Military Court and the ECCC and the documents of the Military Court do not feature in the ECCC Case File.

The Co-Prosecutors submitted that the Pre-Trial Chamber should not review the legality of Duch’s detention by the Military Court because he had failed to exhaust his remedies by taking an appeal before that court. The Co-Prosecutors submitted that, in any event, the abuse of process doctrine (see Order of Provisional Detention) requiring release of a detainee does not apply in this case as there had been no suggestion that Duch suffered torture or serious mistreatment (as required by the doctrine) during his detention.

The Co-Prosecutors argued that Duch’s continued provisional detention proves necessary because the requirements for ordering provisional detention, as provided in Rule 63(3) of the Internal Rules, have been fulfilled:

  • There is a well-founded reason to believe that Duch may have committed the crimes, because Duch confirmed in interviews with journalists that he was the Deputy Chairman and, later, the Chairman of Tuol Sleng Prison.
  • It is necessary to take measures to prevent Duch from destroying evidence because he has met with other senior leaders and they are angry that he failed to do so;
  • It is necessary to take measures to prevent Duch from fleeing. The Co-Prosecutors submitted that an attempt to flee is likely because Duch may face life imprisonment if convicted and has used aliases in the past (i.e. he used “Hang Pin” throughout the 1990s).
  • It is necessary to take measures to protect Duch, because he has now become well-known in Cambodia due to publicity. Furthermore, he remained safe from 1979 to 1999 only because he was not well known and hid his identity.

    1. Day 2 of Hearing: November 21st

Continuation of Prosecution Rebuttal

Robert Petit began by supporting François Roux’s earlier statement that the Chamber may only order provisional detention in exceptional circumstances. He emphasized, however, the facts are exceptional as Duch bears “some measure of direct responsibility” for the deaths of 14,000 people. He described the ECCC’s purpose as being the provision of justice emphasized the high attendance on November 20th as evidence of the importance of the proceedings to the Cambodian people.

Petit told the Chamber that the Defense and many of the amici curiae were asking it to go beyond the law and its jurisdiction to determine the legality of a decision by the Military Court . He quoted Judge Parker in the ICTY Case of Prosecutor v. Boškoski as saying that it is the responsibility of the Chamber to rule on guilt and not matters beyond its jurisdiction. While recognizing that the Military Court ’s lengthy detention of Duch was “problematic,” Petit argued that the question of prior detention should be resolved at final disposition and not during a Pre-Trial Hearing. At the time of final disposition all factors, including prior detention, should be taken into consideration.

Petit stated that there is no precedent for the release of an accused person at the pre-trial stage. He argued that domestic examples providing pre-trial release can be distinguished as in this case there is “no question of his responsibility.” He invoked a statement of a judge of the Special Court of Sierra Leone in Prosecutor v. Sesay as standing for the proposition that, in cases before internationalized tribunals involving the most serious crimes, the approach taken to bail may be different to that of domestic tribunals.

Petit emphasized that the release of Duch may affect the willingness of witnesses to testify and victims to participate in the proceedings.

Departing from the Co-Prosecutors’ earlier position (apparently correcting a “mistake” on Chea Leang’s part), Robert Petit clarified that the Co-Prosecutors were “not saying that the Court does not have the right to exercise its jurisdiction…” over the legality of Duch’s earlier detention. Rather, they urged the Pre-Trial Chamber to respect the determination of the Co-Investigating Judges in his respect “for reasons of expeditiousness.” Later, however, Petit stated that the Cambodian National Assembly would have to pass an enabling law to grant the ECCC the power to review the decisions of Cambodian courts. The Co-Prosecutors appeared to be divided and undecided on this point.

Petit refuted François Roux’s earlier claim that the Co-Prosecutors must show that Duch’s appeal against his provisional detention would have proved successful before the Military Court , stating there is no legal basis for such a claim.

Petit sought to distinguish this case from that of Prosecutor v. Barayagwiza, explaining that:

  • Unlike in Barayagwiza, the ECCC did not ask the Military Court to do anything (other than transfer him to its custody);
  • Unlike the ICTR, the ECCC does not have primacy over the national courts of Cambodia (see ICTR Rules of Procedure and Evidence Rule 40 and 40 bis);
  • Unlike in Barayagwiza (where the accused person was held pursuant to a lawful process of the ICTR), the Military Court did not hold Duch pursuant to a lawful process of the ECCC;
  • Unlike in Barayagwiza, the Co-Prosecutors properly pushed for speedy transfer of the accused person to the ECCC’s detention facility and requested and early hearing.

Petit correctly refuted François Roux’s statement that pre-trial release of persons accused of serious crimes is common. He pointed out that these released accused persons constituted only a minority of the large number of accused persons. At the ICTR, only one of eighty accused persons was released pending trial. At the ICTY, only thirteen of 161 accused persons were released pending trial and that these were primarily lower-level perpetrators backed by government guarantees. He highlighted that the SCSL, a hybrid court similar to the ECCC, had not released any accused persons prior to trial despite having the Sierra Leonean police at its disposal.

Defense Rebuttal

In considering whether there is a well founded reason to believe that Duch committed the crimes, François Roux urged the Chamber not to rely solely upon the journalists’ interviews submitted by the Co-Prosecutors as they were made under dubious circumstances.

Questions by Pre-Trial Chamber Judges

  • A judge asked the Defense to clarify whether Duch was injured or tortured in the Military Prison. Kar Savuth appeared embarrassed and retreated from his earlier position, saying that he had not said that Duch had been tortured. Rather, he stated that he considered Duch’s lengthy detention to be an injury. This clarified that Duch did not suffer torture or serious mistreatment in the Military Prison.
  • A judge asked the Co-Prosecutors when the trial would begin. Robert Petit responded that they expected the investigation to conclude during the first half of next year and the trial to begin during the middle of next year.
  • A judge asked the Co-Prosecutors whether there was evidence of threats against Duch. Petit responded that he could not respond because materials in the Case File were confidential. He urged, however, the Chamber to consider the risk to Duch’s personal safety if released to be “logical.” It appeared that the Co-Prosecutors did not have convincing evidence of a risk to his personal security.
  • Rowan Downing appeared very interested in bail and asked François Roux about the proposed terms. He proposed terms along the lines of those granted in the recent ICTR Case of Prosecutor v. Baglishema. Namely, he proposed that: (a) two respectable persons would vouch for Duch; (b) Duch would report to the police on a regular basis; (c) Duch would not leave the country; and (d) Duch would relinquish any travel documents. Roux explained that, if Duch violated any of these bail conditions, the Chamber could revoke bail. Robert Petit interjected, stating that the accused person in Baglishema was released on bail following acquittal and pending an appeal. He stated that this distinguished the present case. He urged the Chamber not to release Duch on bail as there exist only “a handful of S-21 survivors” and any intervention would greatly prejudice the proceedings.

Closing by Pre-Trial Chamber

The Chamber indicated that its decision would be pronounced at a later date with two working days notice to be given.

    1. Pronouncement of Decision: December 3rd

Admissibility and Nature of the Appeal

The Pre-Trial Chamber began the pronouncement of its decision by considering the admissibility of the appeal. The Chamber refused to clarify, at the request of the Co-Prosecutors, whether the thirty-day time limit for filing appeals applies to the filing of notices of appeal or substantive appeals, as there existed no ambiguity because the Chamber had accepted the notice of appeal. The Chamber found the appeal to have been timely filed and, thus, admissible.

The Pre-Trial Chamber then considered the appropriate scope of its review of provisional detention pursuant to Internal Rule 63(4), as the Internal Rules do not provide such guidance. In determining the appropriate scope, the Chamber looked to Articles 261 and 262 of the recently adopted Cambodian Code of Criminal Procedure. The Chamber concluded that they had broad discretion to review orders of provisional detention, including making an examination of inter alia “the procedures of the Co-Investigating Judges…”, “the exercise of the discretion by the Co-Investigating Judges” and “the sufficiency of the facts” leading to an order of provisional detention. In addition, the Chamber found that it may examine “any additional issues not otherwise dealt with which are the subject of specific grounds of appeal.”

Examination of the Co-Investigating Judges’ Exercise of Discretion

The Pre-Trial Chamber considered the Defense’s argument that Duch’s prior detention, imputable to the ECCC, acted as a bar to the Co-Investigating Judges’ discretion to order provisional detention. The Chamber recalled the provisions of Article 9 of the ICCPR, which states: “Anyone arrested or detained on a criminal charge shall be brought promptly before a judge o other officer… and shall be entitled to trial within a reason time or to release.” The Chamber concluded that it only had the power to take the violation into account if: (a) “the organ responsible for the violation was connected to an organ of the ECCC; OR (b) the organ “had been acting on behalf of any organ of the ECCC or in concert with organs of the ECCC.” Therefore, the Chamber found it relevant to consider the relationship between the ECCC and the Military Court .

The Chamber noted that no relevant source of law gave either the Co-Investigating Judges or the Pre-Trial Chamber the jurisdiction to rule upon the decisions of the Military Court or any other Cambodian courts. It found that their jurisdiction is limited to the subject matter of the ECCC Law only. Furthermore, no law provides for interaction between the ECCC and other Cambodian courts.

The Chamber continued to explain why the ECCC is distinguishable from other Cambodian courts. First, the ECCC has, in addition to national judges, foreign judges not qualified for appointment in domestic courts. Second, the ECCC is “self-contained” and carries out its operations independently with no right of appeal to the domestic courts and no ability to review the decisions of such domestic courts. The Chamber concluded that “[f]or all practical and legal purposes, the ECCC is, and operates as, an independent entity… and therefore has no jurisdiction to judge the activities of other bodies.” It invoked the SCSL Case of Prosecutor v. Taylor in support of its assertion that the ECCC is an international court, “an expression of the will of the international community.”

Having established that the Military Court was not connected to the ECCC, the Chamber explained the reasons for its finding that the Military Court had not acted on behalf of or in concert with the ECCC. First, it reported that “[t]here is… no evidence that the Military Court acted on behalf of the ECCC in detaining the Charged Person.” Second, it rejected the Defense’s allegation of concerted action between the Military Court and the ECCC, refusing to accept that the Military Court document allegedly found in the ECCC Case file proved the existence of “a link between the ECCC and the Military Court or demonstrat[ed] that the Military Court and the ECCC acted in concert…” Third, it invoked as evidence of the impossibility of concerted action the fact that the ECCC had only come into existence on July 3rd, 2006.

After having explained its reasons for concluding that the Military Court was not connected to the ECCC and that the Military Court had not acted on behalf of or in concert with the ECCC, the Pre-Trial Chamber found that the Co-Investigating Judges had acted properly in applying their discretion in ordering provisional detention. The Chamber supported the Co-Prosecutors’ assertion that it was appropriate for prior detention (legal or otherwise) to be taken into account later in the proceedings and not at the investigative and pre-trial stages.

Examination of the Conditions for Provisional Detention

The Pre-Trial Chamber quoted Internal Rule 63(3). It provides that the Co-Investigating Judges may order provisional detention if:

(a) “[T]here is a well founded reason to believe that the person may have committed the crime or crimes…”; AND

(b) They consider provisional detention necessary to:

i. “prevent the Charged Person from exerting pressure on any witnesses or Victims, or prevent any collusion between the Charged Person and accomplices…”;

ii. “preserve evidence or prevent the destruction of evidence”;

iii. “ensure the presence of the Charged Person during the proceedings;”

iv. “protect the security of the Charged Person”; OR

v. “preserve public order.”

The Pre-Trial Chamber found that there are well-founded reasons to believe that Duch committed crimes against humanity and war crimes. In support of this conclusion, the Chamber invoked Duch’s failure to contest the allegations that he was Deputy and, later, Chairman of S-21, where countless atrocities were perpetrated, and cited Kar Savuth’s introduction of himself as the lawyer of “Duch, who was also the Chief of S-21” (much to the amusement of the audience).

The Pre-Trial Chamber found his provisional detention to be necessary to prevent the exertion of pressure on witnesses and the destruction of evidence (considering the statements of S-21 witnesses to constitute “evidence”). First, the Chamber based this conclusion on the argument that Duch’s mere presence in society could work to exert pressure, particularly as so few S-21 witnesses survive. The Chamber indicated that many potential witnesses fear acts of revenge from charged persons or their relatives, citing Geerteke Jansen’s Voices of Takeo Report. It concluded that “witnesses’ willingness to testify is already fragile, and the balance could be easily upset by the release of the Charged Person.” Second, the Chamber supported the necessity of protective measures by reporting of an alleged incident in which Duch threatened a former cadre, Chek Sim, by telling him that he would report him to Ieng Sary to have him killed if Chek Sim spoke to anyone of Duch’s association with S-21. Third, the Chamber indicated provisional detention proved necessary because Duch had the names of potential witnesses in the Case File. Furthermore, the testimonies of the small number of S-21 witnesses prove crucial and “[i]t is essential that they are not in any fear or suffering from any pressure preventing them from testifying.”

The Pre-Trial Chamber found Duch’s provisional detention to be necessary to ensure his presence at trial. In support of its conclusion, the Chamber invoked Duch’s disappearance from public view during the period from 1979 to 1999 and the measures he took to conceal his identity, including using a different name, failing to return to his hometown, giving false information on resumes, and allowing his family to believe that he was dead. The Chamber concluded that, if released, there was a risk that Duch would disappear once again. It rejected the Defense’s arguments that he would not seek to flee because he did not have the financial means or a passport.

The Pre-Trial Chamber found Duch’s provisional detention to be necessary to protect his security. The Chamber indicated that Duch’s personal safety was threatened by other Charged Persons, victims and their relatives, and former cadres. It rejected the Defense’s argument that such individuals did not pose a risk to his safety as they had not threatened him during the 20 years he lived freely in Cambodia . It concluded that his personal safety had been compromised after his discovery by journalists in 1999, citing in support the article, “I Am in Danger,” by Nate Thayer, in which Thayer quoted Duch as stating that he feared for his safety. The Chamber concluded that there was no reason to believe that this threat to Duch’s personal safety had diminished during his 8-year detention; in fact, it opined that he was more at risk than ever.

The Pre-Trial Chamber found Duch’s provisional detention to be necessary to preserve public order. In support of this, the Chamber cited the estimated number of deaths—1.7 million or one-quarter of the population—and emphasized that “[a] large portion of today’s Cambodian population has… lost one or more of their relatives or friends.” It opined that the impact of the period has not diminished with time, with many survivors continuing to suffer from Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder and the possibility that trials “may pose a fresh risk to the Cambodian society.” In addition, the Chamber emphasized the public interest in the Pre-Trial Hearing of November 20th and 21st, indicating this interest demonstrated the concern of the Cambodian people. The Chamber rejected the Defense’s argument that public order would not be disrupted now as it had not been disrupted during the 20 years Duch lived freely, finding that the situation had changed considerably with the publicity surrounding the trials and Duch’s public admission that he had been the Chairman of S-21.

As such, the Pre-Trial Chamber found that the conditions for detention had been satisfied.

The Pre-Trial Chamber then considered the Defense’s request that Duch be released on bail as a remedy for the violation of his right to be tried within a reasonable time. The Chamber rejected this request because the conditions for provisional detention had been satisfied and no bail conditions could be sufficient to protect Duch’s personal safety or to ensure his presence at trial.

Consideration of Duch’s Application for Reparations

The Pre-Trial Chamber considered the Defense’s request that it order that, in the event of an acquittal, the ECCC pay Duch financial compensation for time spent in detention and for the harm suffered due to the violation of his entitlement to a trial within a reasonable time or release or, in the event a conviction, the ECCC grant a sentence reduction of 8 years for time spent in detention and a further sentence reduction for the harm suffered due to the violation of his entitlement to a trial within a reasonable time or release. The Chamber refused to engage with this request, stating that “it is inappropriate for the Chamber to make such statements.” This supported the earlier conclusion of the Co-Investigating Judges that “[a]n eventual remedy for the prejudice caused by the prior detention is not an issue during the investigative phase of the case.” Thus, the Chamber did not preclude further consideration of the issue and the Defense may raise Duch’s prior detention later in the proceedings.

Conclusion and Orders

The Pre-Trial Chamber decided that the Co-Investigating Judges had acted properly, dismissed Duch’s appeal, and affirmed the Co-Investigating Judges’ order that Duch be provisionally detained for a period not exceeding one year.

The Chamber’s decision cannot be appealed.

Sarah Thomas is Legal Fellow of the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam)